DEINDUSTRIALIZATION
by E.P.
Our class discussions
lately center on the most populous urban areas of the country: New York, San
Diego, Los Angeles. Especially when talking about New York, and with the
majority of the major city centers listed, deindustrialization and the loss of
manufacturing jobs happened decades ago stretching from the 50s onward into the
70s. These jobs then shifted to the peripheries and later shifted to the center
of the country, where manufacturing was the staple job provider until the turn
of the century. I grew up in Binghamton, New York where the effects of
deindustrialization are seen every day. On the edge of the Rust Belt (the
region where old factories are now rusting away, includes Wisconsin, Illinois,
Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania and parts of New York) my area still lingers in a
state of nostalgia, wanting the return of steady paying jobs that can support a
middle class family. Deindustrialization’s
economic, social and psychological effects continue for decades after plants
close and across generations, affecting the worldviews of younger people who
never worked in steel mills or auto plants (The half-life, 2016). Thus, it was
these angers still lingering over the passing of NAFTA and other free trade
agreements and union fracturing that led these states to give Donald Trump the
presidency and let these grievances be known. However, the Rust Belt is not a
homogenous white lower-middle class area, it is filled with decrepit city
centers inhabited by Latinos and African Americans so what of them?
Chicago,
Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Scranton are all major Rust Belt city-centers with
diverse populations including Latinos. Yet every state of the cities voted for
Donald Trump, yet Hillary carried these downtown areas, but why? According to a
Slate article, industry has long
taken place outside of city centers for decades, but deindustrialization hits
both the poor inners cities as well as the better off suburbs of the area (Even
in 2016, 2017). Thus as factories shut down, local Latinos and local whites are
effected by the economic and psychological strains of deindustrialization.
However, as suburbs attain a similar standard of living as before, the inner
city is neglected. Gary, Indiana was the industrial heart of the Chicago
metropolitan area, and now is home to large vacant buildings, a posterchild of
white flight (population has dropped by 100,000 since 1960 and is now 84%
African-American) (Effort to preserve, 2017). Without capital coming in these
buildings are falling apart, and conservative pundits point to neglect and
laziness of welfare ridden minorities as the reason why, while pandering to
white voters on the need for a return of manufacturing. These city centers such
as Gary, Indiana or Scranton, Pennsylvania voted for Democrats, and were
overlooked by political analysis and the parties alike.
The
Rust Belt is home to Latinos and African-Americans alike, and they are both hit
equally hard and more severely by the effects of deindustrialization. However,
time and time again they are left out of the conversation of
deindustrialization. NY Senator Chuck Schumer commented on the presidential
race with, “For every blue-collar Democrat we lose in Western Pennsylvania, we
will pick up two moderate Republicans in the suburbs in Philadelphia”(Even in
2016, 2017). Yet where is the concern of losing minority blue-collar workers in
the Rust Belt, or the minorities depending on government assistance while
occupying the shells of factories and decaying industrial neighborhoods like in
my hometown of Binghamton? Latinos
have always been the subject of anti-communist and socialist attacks here in
the United States. But if this election cycle shows the evils of nationalist
populism bent on attack world capitalism and free trade that has hurt blue-collar
white in the Rust Belt, it also showed a case where the good of nationalist
populism. As Trump filled stadiums of red hat wearing fans screaming for a wall
aimed at stemming the growth of Latinos in our country; a socialist Jew filled
stadiums of diverse crowds in the same Rust Belt stricken areas. Bernie Sanders
portrayed a side of the Rust Belt that is yearning for more than just a wall to
keep more immigrants from stealing jobs, he promised to undue years of neglect
by political pundits with the revolutionary idea of socialism. Latinos were
among the first to speak up about socialism; it was the Young Lords last point
of their plan, a socialist society (13 Point Plan, 1993). Thus, as
deindustrialization attacks the heartland of America, and enrages white voters
to rally behind a racist populist, progressives in this country need to include
Rust Belt minorities in their plans to fight back, and bridge the gap between
the urban rusting centers, and the suburbs who once relied on those factories.
Works Cited
13 Point Program and
Platform of the Young Lords Party. (n.d.). Retrieved Feburary, 19, 2017, from
http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Resources/Primary/Manifestos/Young_Lords_platform.html
Effort to preserve
Gary architecture gaining momentum. AJ Latrace. Retrieved February 19, 2017 from http://chicago.curbed.com/2017/2/17/14641904/gary-historic-preservation-architecture-tour
Even in 2016, Democrats Carried Rust
Belt Town Centers. Why?. Henry Grabar. Retrieved February 19, 2017 from http://www.slate.com/blogs/moneybox/2017/02/17/even_in_2016_democrats_carried_rust_belt_town_centers_why.html
The half-life of
deindustrialization: Why Donald Trump is just a symptom. Sherry Linkon.
Retrieved Feburary 19, 2017 from http://www.salon.com/2016/08/19/the-half-life-of-deind_partner/